The remarks come amid renewed speculation over whether the estranged cousins could align tactically or revive their appeal to Marathi voters who once formed the backbone of regional politics in the state. Fadnavis was blunt in his assessment, stating that the BJP’s organisational reach, governance record and alliance arithmetic had left little room for a revival of what he characterised as a fragmented and diminished opposition rooted in legacy rather than performance.
BJP confidence grows as Thackeray brand fades, Fadnavis suggested, adding that only one Thackeray had ever commanded mass loyalty and ideological clarity. He said attempts to resurrect the surname as a political rallying point ignored demographic change, voter aspirations and the steady expansion of the BJP’s base beyond urban centres into semi-urban and rural constituencies.
Political observers note that the BJP’s confidence reflects broader shifts in Maharashtra’s political landscape since the split of the Shiv Sena and the subsequent realignment of alliances. Uddhav Thackeray’s faction, now operating outside power, has struggled to regain momentum after losing a section of legislators and party machinery. Raj Thackeray’s Maharashtra Navnirman Sena, once seen as a disruptive force capable of cutting into traditional vote banks, has remained on the fringes, with limited legislative presence and inconsistent mobilisation.
Fadnavis’s comments also underline the BJP’s effort to frame the contest as one between governance-led politics and personality-driven campaigns. The party has repeatedly highlighted infrastructure expansion, industrial investment, welfare delivery and administrative stability as evidence of its capacity to govern a complex and economically significant state. Senior BJP leaders argue that voters are more responsive to tangible outcomes than emotive appeals rooted in identity or nostalgia.
For Uddhav Thackeray, the challenge has been twofold: re-establishing credibility as a leader outside government while countering the perception that his political authority was inherited rather than built. His tenure as chief minister during the earlier Maha Vikas Aghadi government earned mixed assessments, with supporters citing crisis management during the pandemic and critics pointing to internal contradictions within the coalition. Raj Thackeray, meanwhile, has oscillated between sharp rhetoric and strategic ambiguity, at times aligning his positions closer to the BJP on issues such as Hindutva while maintaining a separate organisational identity.
The BJP’s dismissal of the cousins as a non-factor is also informed by electoral arithmetic. Since the last assembly election, the party and its allies have consolidated influence across key regions, including Vidarbha, western Maharashtra and parts of Marathwada. Cadre-level expansion, data-driven campaigning and a focus on beneficiary outreach have strengthened the party’s ground presence, according to those familiar with its internal assessments.
Analysts caution, however, that Maharashtra’s electorate has a history of unpredictable swings, particularly in urban constituencies where local issues and leadership perception can outweigh party loyalty. Any symbolic rapprochement between the Thackeray cousins, even if limited, could attract attention and shape narratives, especially in Mumbai and its surrounding districts. Yet translating symbolism into votes remains uncertain given past failures to convert episodic visibility into sustained support.