Tamil Nadu’s unresolved power struggle sharpened on Thursday as rival camps moved to protect their legislators, test alliance arithmetic and prepare for a prolonged contest over who should be invited to form the next government.All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam general secretary Edappadi K Palaniswami met newly elected party legislators at a private resort near Ariyankuppam on the outskirts of Puducherry, signalling that the party sees an opening despite not being the largest bloc. Legislators are understood to have endorsed him as leader of the AIADMK Legislature Party and submitted signed letters backing his leadership. Palaniswami’s assurance that “good things will happen” was read within the party as a message to hold ranks while negotiations continue.
Four days after the Assembly election results, Tamil Nadu remains without a clear government formation route. Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam, led by actor-politician C Joseph Vijay, emerged as the single largest party with 107 seats but remained short of the 118 needed for a majority in the 234-member House. The fractured verdict has upended the state’s familiar Dravidian bipolarity, forcing the DMK, AIADMK, Congress, Left parties and smaller formations into fast-moving talks.
The DMK Legislature Party, chaired by outgoing Chief Minister M K Stalin, authorised him to take urgent political decisions to prevent another election and secure a stable administration. The move gives Stalin room to explore arrangements that would have appeared unlikely before the verdict, including outside support, issue-based cooperation or a broader anti-BJP understanding. The party also criticised the Congress for backing TVK after contesting the election as part of the DMK-led alliance, deepening strains in a partnership that has shaped several electoral contests.
TVK’s response has added another layer of uncertainty. Party circles have warned that its legislators could resign en masse if either the DMK or the AIADMK attempts to form a government through an understanding that excludes Vijay’s party from power. Such a move would not automatically trigger an election, as each resignation would have to be examined by the Speaker for voluntariness and authenticity. But politically, it would intensify pressure on Raj Bhavan and could turn a numerical impasse into a constitutional test.
Governor Rajendra Vishwanath Arlekar has asked Vijay to demonstrate support from 118 legislators before being invited to form the government. Congress leaders have objected to the delay, arguing that the single largest party should be given the first opportunity to prove its majority on the floor of the House. The governor’s position places the focus on documentary support rather than post-poll claims, a stance that may reduce immediate instability but also prolong negotiations.
Congress has defended its decision to support TVK, presenting the move as consistent with a secular platform and necessary to keep the BJP and its allies away from power. That position has angered the DMK, which sees the shift as a breach of alliance discipline after the election. The fallout is already visible in local bodies, where leaders connected to the former DMK-Congress arrangement have begun reassessing posts secured through the alliance.
The AIADMK’s decision to keep its legislators together in Puducherry revived memories of Tamil Nadu’s earlier episodes of resort politics, particularly the 2017 power struggle after J Jayalalithaa’s death. This time, however, the context is different. Rather than an internal succession battle, the state is facing a three-cornered formation puzzle in which TVK’s rise has disrupted established calculations.
Vijay’s emergence as a legislative force marks the most significant new-party breakthrough in Tamil Nadu politics in decades. His party’s performance has given it the strongest moral claim to seek office, but the arithmetic remains unforgiving without additional support. Congress backing alone is insufficient, making the positions of smaller parties and independents critical.
Administrative signals also suggest that the state machinery is preparing for transition. More than 100 law officers linked to the outgoing DMK administration have resigned, reflecting uncertainty over who will take charge next. Such resignations are customary during changes of government, but the scale and timing underline the unusual fluidity of the moment.