Tamil Nadu’s ruling coalition faced fresh strain on Friday after the Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi and the Indian Union Muslim League joined the cabinet led by Chief Minister C. Joseph Vijay, triggering a sharp exchange with the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam over loyalty, mandate and post-poll bargaining.
The confrontation marked a new phase in the state’s unsettled political realignment after the 2026 Assembly election produced a fractured verdict. Vijay’s Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam emerged as the single largest party with 108 seats in the 234-member House, falling short of the 118 required for a simple majority. The gap forced an intense round of negotiations with parties that had contested against it or remained aligned with the DMK-led bloc during the election.
VCK and the Indian Union Muslim League, both associated with the DMK camp until the Assembly polls, extended support to the TVK-led government and later accepted ministerial berths. VCK’s Vanni Arasu and IUML’s A. M. Shahjahan were inducted into the council of ministers, taking the government’s ministerial strength to 35 and giving Vijay broader social and regional representation inside his administration.
DMK deputy general secretary A. Raja criticised VCK’s decision, arguing that the party had compromised its political stand by entering a government formed by a rival platform. The remarks drew a strong response from VCK leaders, who defended the move as a decision taken in the interest of political stability and to prevent administrative uncertainty after a hung verdict.
Chief Minister M. K. Stalin, now leading the opposition after the DMK’s defeat, sought to contain the fallout by advising party colleagues to avoid personal attacks against former allies. His intervention underlined the sensitivity of the dispute, with the DMK attempting to preserve working ties with smaller parties even as it questions the legitimacy of their support to Vijay’s government.
The TVK leadership has used the defections of support from outside its pre-poll formation to project Vijay as a consensus figure capable of drawing backing across ideological camps. Party functionaries argue that the government has already demonstrated its majority on the floor of the Assembly, where 144 MLAs backed the confidence motion on May 13, while 22 voted against it and five abstained.
That trust vote changed the arithmetic from a narrow post-election scramble into a comfortable legislative cushion. Congress, CPI, CPI, VCK and the Indian Union Muslim League backed the government, while divisions in the AIADMK camp further weakened the opposition’s ability to present a united challenge. The DMK’s walkout during the vote reflected its refusal to endorse what it called political opportunism by former allies.
For VCK, the cabinet decision carries both opportunity and risk. The party has long positioned itself as a voice for Dalit rights, social justice and secular politics. Entry into the TVK government gives it access to executive authority, but also exposes it to criticism that it has diluted its ideological alignment for office. Party leaders are expected to face continued pressure from cadres who view the DMK alliance as a natural home for their politics.
The IUML’s entry adds another layer to the coalition equation. Its support helps Vijay signal minority representation at a time when his party is still defining its ideological profile beyond the appeal of his celebrity and anti-incumbency campaign. The party’s inclusion in government also indicates that smaller formations are seeking leverage in a fluid Assembly rather than remaining confined to opposition benches.
Vijay’s rise has disrupted a political order shaped for decades by the DMK and the AIADMK. TVK’s campaign drew heavily on youth mobilisation, digital outreach and a message of administrative change. Its 108-seat tally did not provide an outright mandate, but it placed the party at the centre of government formation and forced older parties to respond to a new electoral pole.
